[E-rundbrief] Info 312 - Social Change - Critique of NGOism
Matthias Reichl
mareichl at ping.at
Sa Nov 12 12:08:29 CET 2005
E-Rundbrief - Info 312: Patrick Reinsborough: Beware the
Professionalization of Social Change. Critique of NGOism. Excerpt from:
Patrick Reinsborough: De-Colonizing the Revolutionary Imagination. Values
Crisis, the Politics of Reality and why there's going to be a Common Sense
Revolution in this Generation. May 2003
Bad Ischl, 12.11.2005
Begegnungszentrum für aktive Gewaltlosigkeit
www.begegnungszentrum.at
===========================================================
Beware the Professionalization of Social Change.
Patrick Reinsborough
May 2003
The worst thing that can happen to our movements right now is to settle for
too little. But tragically that is exactly what is happening. We are
largely failing to frame the ecological, social and economic crisis as a
symptom of a deeper values crisis and a pathological system. Thus many of
the modest visions of social change being put forward seem incapable of
even keeping pace with the accelerating global crisis let alone providing
true alternatives to the doomsday economy.
Too many of our social change resources are getting bogged down in arenas
of struggle that can't deliver the systemic shifts we need. Most of the
conventional venues for political engagement - legislation, elections,
courts, single issue campaigns, labor fights - have been so co-opted by
elite rule that its very difficult to imagine how to use strategies that
name the system, undermine the control mythology or articulate values
crisis from within their limited parameters.
One of the most telling symptoms of our colonized imaginations has been the
limited scope of social change institutions. Most social change resources
get directed towards enforcing inadequate regulations, trying to pass
watered-down legislation, working to elect mediocre candidates or to win
concessions that don't threaten the current corporate order. One of the
main reasons that so many social change resources get limited to the
regulatory, electoral and concessionary arenas is the fact that much of
social change has become a professionalized industry.
The NGO - non-governmental organization - a term made popular by the United
Nations policy discussion process has become the most familiar social
change institution. These groups are frequently made up of hard working,
under-paid, dedicated people and NGOs as a group do lots of amazing work.
However we must also acknowledge that generally the explosion of NGO's
globally is a loose attempt to patch the holes that neoliberalism has
punched in the social safety net. As government cedes its role in public
welfare to corporations, even the unlucrative sectors have to be handed off
to someone. A recent article in the Economist revealingly explains the
growth of NGO's as " not a matter of charity but of privatiziation."
My intention is not to fall into the all too easy trap of lumping the
thousands of different NGOs into one dismissable category but rather to
label a disturbing trend particularly among social change NGO's. Just as
service oriented NGO's have been tapped to fill the voids left by the state
or the market, so have social change NGO's arisen to streamline the chaotic
business of dissent. Let's call this trend NGOism, the belief - sometimes
found among professional "campaigners" - that social change is a highly
specialized profession best left to experienced strategists, negotiators
and policy wonks. NGOism is the conceit that intermediary organizations of
paid staff , rather than communities organizing themselves into movements,
will be enough to save the world.
This very dangerous trend ignores the historic reality that collective
struggle and mass movements organized from the bottom up have always been
the springboard for true progress and social change. The goal of radical
institutions - whether well funded NGOs or gritty grassroots groups -
should be to help build movements to change the world. But NGOism
institutionalizes the amnesia of the colonized imagination and presents a
major obstacle to moving into the post-issue activism framework. After all
who needs a social movement when you've got a six figure advertising budget
and "access" to all the decision makers?
A professional NGO is structured exactly like a corporation, down to having
employee payroll and a Board of Directors. This is not an accident. Just
like their for-profit cousins this structure creates an institutional
self-interest which can transform an organization from being a catalyst for
social change into being a self-perpetuating entity. NGOism views change in
reference to existing power relations by accepting a set of rules written
by the powerful to insure the status quo. These rules have already been
stacked against social change. NGOism represents institutional confusion
about the different types of power and encourages over-dependence on
strategies that speak exclusively to the existing powers - funding sources,
the media, decision-makers. As a consequence strategies often get locked in
the regulatory and concessionary arenas - focused on "pressure" - and
attempt to re-direct existing power rather than focusing on confronting
illegitimate authority, revealing systemic flaws and building grassroots power.
The mythology of American politics as populist or democratic is rapidly
being undermined by the obvious realities of corporate dominance. As
people's confidence in the facades of popular rule (like voting, lobbying
and the regulatory frame work etc.) has waned, more and more campaigns are
directly confronting destructive corporations. This is an essential
strategy for revealing the decision making power which corporations have
usurped, but unfortunately most of these NGO led efforts to confront
individual destructive corporations are failing to articulate a holistic
analysis of the system of corporate control.
This is an extremely dangerous failure since in pursuing concessions or
attempting to redirect corporate resources we risk making multi-national
corporations the agents of solving the ecological crisis. This is a flawed
strategy because by their very nature corporations are incapable of making
the concessions necessary to address the global crisis. There is no
decision maker in the corporate hierarchy with the power to transform the
nature of the corporate beast, and confront its identity as an
extraction-profit making machine. The CEO who has an epiphany about the
need to re-define her corporation as a democratic institution that looks
beyond the limited fiduciary interests of shareholders, will find herself
on the wrong side of a century of corporate law. We need to avoid the
temptation to accept concessions that legitimize corporate control and
obscure the fundamental democracy issues underlying the global crisis.
Too often, political pragmatism is used as an excuse for a lack of vision.
Pragmatism without vision is accepting the rules that are stacked against
us while vision without pragmatism is fetishizing failure. The question
shouldn't be what can we win in this funding cycle but rather how do we
expand the debate to balance short and long term goals? Like a healthy
ecosystem our movements need a diversity of strategies. We need to think
outside the box and see what new arenas of struggle we can explore.
This is not to say that corporate campaigns and winning concessions is
merely "reformist" and therefore not important. The simplistic dichotomy of
reform versus revolution often hides the privilege of "radicals" who have
the luxury of refusing concessions when it's not their community or
ecosystem that is on the chopping block. A more important distinction is
which direction is the concession moving towards? Is it a concession that
releases pressure on the system and thereby legitimizes illegitimate
authority? Or is it a concession that teaches people a lesson about their
collective power to make change and therefore brings us closer to systemic
change?
NGOism creates ripe conditions for going beyond mere ineffectiveness and
into out-right complicity with the system. Time and time again we've seen
the social change NGO's grow into becoming a part of the establishment and
become a tool to marginalize popular dissent by lending legitimacy to the
system. Whether its World Wildlife Fund giving a green seal of approval to
oil companies or the American Cancer Society's downplaying of environmental
pollution's role in cancer27, NGO's can easily become an obstacle to
transformative change.
The professionalization of social change requires extensive resources and
thus in this cynical era of mail-order mobilizing and
feel-good-from-your-armchair activism its become cliché to point out that
NGO agendas can be shaped by their funding needs. Whether NGOs are reliant
on a membership base or institutional funders, NGO's are often forced to
build a power base through self-promotion rather than self-analysis. Not
only does this dilute NGO agendas to fit within the political comfort zone
of those with resources, it disrupts the essential process of acknowledging
mistakes and learning from them. This evolutionary process of collective
learning is central to fundamental social change and to have it de-railed
by professionalization threatens to limit the depth of the change that we
can create.
When a system is fundamentally flawed there is no point in trying to fix it
- we need to re-design it. That is the essence of the transformative arena
- defining issues, re-framing debates, thinking big. We must create
political space to harness the increasingly obvious global crisis into real
change towards a democratic, just and ecologically sane world. Our
movements must evolve past mere mobilizing and into real transformative
organizing. Transformative organizing is more than just making the protest
ghetto louder and bigger. It is the nuts and bolts business of building
alternatives on a grassroots level, and creating our own counter legitimacy
to replace the institutions of corporate society. Real organizing is giving
people the skills and analysis they need to ground the struggle to reclaim
our planet at both ends of the social change spectrum - the structural and
the individual; the creation of new identities and the transformation of
global systems. It is essential that we don't waste all our energy just
throwing ourselves at the machine. Resistance is only one piece of the
social change equation. It must be complimented by creation. Movements need
institutions that can be the hubs to help sustain our momentum for the long
haul. There are definitely NGO's which play this role well, we just have to
insure that NGOism doesn't infect them with limiting definitions of
specialization and professionalism.
We have to plant the seeds of the new society within the shell of the old.
Exciting work is being done around the concept of Dual power strategies.
These are strategies that not only confront illegitimate institutions but
simultaneously embody the alternatives, thereby giving people the
opportunity to practice self-governance and create space for new political
realities. Examples of inspiring dual-power strategies are taking place
across the world, particularly in Latin America. From indigenous
autonomists in Mexico, to the landless movement in Brazil to Argentina's
autoconvocados (literally "self-convened") people's movements are resisting
the corporate take over of their lives by defiantly living the alternatives.
In the creation of these alternatives - the holistic actions of community
transformation that go far beyond any of the limiting boundaries of
professionalized social change - we see a vision of direct action at the
point of assumption. Actions that reveal new possibilities, challenge the
assumptions of the corporate monoculture and create infectious, new
political spaces.
We can fight the doomsday economy by de-voking the apocalypse with visions
of a life affirming future. In doing so we lay claim to a radical's best
ally - hope. But our hope must not be the naiveté of denial. Rather our
hope must be a sign post, a reminder of the potential for our struggles. We
must not ghettoize hope as some mythic endpoint of struggle but rather
learn to carry it with us as blueprint for our daily efforts.
Excerpt from: Patrick Reinsborough: DE-COLONIZING THE REVOLUTIONARY
IMAGINATION. Values Crisis, the Politics of Reality and why there's Going
to be a Common Sense Revolution in this Generation. May 2003, anti-copyright
http://www.smartmeme.com/downloads/De-colonizingImagination.pdf
Matthias Reichl, Pressesprecher/ press speaker,
Begegnungszentrum fuer aktive Gewaltlosigkeit
Center for Encounter and active Non-Violence
Wolfgangerstr. 26, A-4820 Bad Ischl, Austria,
fon: +43 6132 24590, Informationen/ informations,
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