[E-rundbrief] Info 1914 - Battle of Seattle 20 Years after
Matthias Reichl
info at begegnungszentrum.at
Do Nov 28 12:02:52 CET 2019
E-Rundbrief Info 1914 - Democracy Now! (USA): 20 Years After The
Battle of Seattle: Vandana Shiva & Lori Wallach on Historic 1999 WTO
Protests.
Bad Ischl, 28.11.2019
Begegnungszentrum für aktive Gewaltlosigkeit
www.begegnungszentrum.at
================================================
20 Years After The Battle of Seattle: Vandana Shiva & Lori Wallach on
Historic 1999 WTO Protests
https://www.democracynow.org/2019/11/27/1999_wto_protests_20_years_later?utm_source=Democracy+Now%21&utm_campaign=4dde020b9f-Daily_Digest_COPY_01&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_fa2346a853-4dde020b9f-191621865
27.11.2019
Twenty years ago this week, tens of thousands of activists gathered in
Seattle to shut down a ministerial meeting of the World Trade
Organization. Grassroots organizers successfully blocked world
leaders, government trade ministers and corporate executives from
meeting to sign a global trade deal that many called deeply
undemocratic, harmful to workers’ rights, the environment and
Indigenous people globally. On November 30, 1999, activists formed a
human chain around the Seattle convention center and shut down the
city’s downtown. Police responded by firing tear gas and rubber
bullets into the mostly peaceful crowd. The protests went on for five
days and resulted in 600 arrests and in the eventual collapse of the
talks, as well as the resignation of Seattle’s police chief. The
protests were documented in the film “This is What Democracy Looks
Like.” Democracy Now! was in the streets of Seattle 20 years ago.
During one live broadcast we spoke to two leading critics of the WTO:
Indian physicist and activist Vandana Shiva and Lori Wallach of Public
Citizen, who join us on the show today.
Transcript
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, Democracynow.org, The War and
Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And I’m Juan González. Welcome to all of our listeners
and viewers across the country and around the world. Today we spend
the hour looking back at the Battle of Seattle.
PROTESTER: When labor and students and environmentalists and
human rights activists stand together, we can and did shut down the WTO!
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Twenty years ago this week, tens of thousands of
activists gathered in Seattle, Washington, to shut down a ministerial
meeting of the World Trade Organization. Grassroots organizers
successfully blocked world leaders, government trade ministers and
corporate executives from meeting to sign a global trade deal that
many called deeply undemocratic and harmful to workers’ rights, the
environment and indigenous people globally. On November 30th, 1999,
those activists formed a human chain around the Seattle convention
center and shut down the city’s downtown.
AMY GOODMAN: Police responded by firing tear gas and rubber bullets
into the mostly peaceful crowd. The protests went on for five days,
resulted in over 600 arrests and the eventual collapse of the talks,
as well as the resignation of Seattle’s police chief. The protests
were documented in the film This is What Democracy Looks Like.
PROTESTER: You’ve got people here from all over. You’ve got
labor, you’ve got environmentalists, you’ve got teachers, you’ve got
children, you’ve got coalitions between people of color and mainstream
white Americans. You’ve got middle-class, you’ve got working poor,
you’ve got poor. You’ve got everybody out here because this hurts
people. This is bad for people. It’s bad for our jobs here. It’s bad
for the people over there.
AMY GOODMAN: In the documentary This is What Democracy Looks Like,
organizers Hop Hopkins and Rice Baker-Yeboah talked about the
brutality protesters faced in the streets of Seattle.
RICE BAKER-YEBOAH: There was so much fear coming out of Tuesday.
I mean, we had been shot at. We had been gassed. People had been
beaten and shot. People didn’t expect that going into Tuesday. And
people had to recommit themselves and reaffirm their position.
HOP HOPKINS: That night we ended up meeting up on the corner of
Broadway and John and decided about what we could do the next day. The
next day we’d meet up at 6:30 at Denny Park and then we’d try to take
back the city.
PROTESTERS: [inaudible singing and chanting]
HOP HOPKINS: We started to weave our way through the route
roadblocks that they had set up, and I looked around and I could see
people were afraid. And at that point, I said, you know, “That’s
really not fear in your gut or in your throat; that’s really your
first taste of freedom.”
PROTESTERS: [inaudible singing and chanting]
HOP HOPKINS: People were coming out of nowhere. I mean, it was
like a scene from that Michael Jackson video “Thriller.” People were
like coming out of manholes. People were coming out of cars. So we
went from like 50 people to like 100 people to like 150 people to like
300 people. And then just the numbers just kept growing. I don’t know
where all these people came from. And I think the cops were totally
surprised by that.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Democracy Now! was in the streets of Seattle 20 years
ago doing two hours of daily broadcasting. During one broadcast, we
spoke to two of the leading critics of the WTO, the Indian physicist
and activist Vandana Shiva and Lori Wallach of Public Citizen.
LORI WALLACH: The WTO constrains every country government about
literally the level of food safety it can provide its public, or
whether or not poor farmers can have access to seeds, whether or not
workers can be safe from asbestos.
VANDANA SHIVA: Actually, the secrecy through which WTO was born
is apparent in the fact that most parliaments had no idea what was the
content of this treaty until months after it had been ratified and
signed in Marrakesh. The WTO wrote the rules, it sits in judgment
about implementation of the rules and it writes the inquisition.
AMY GOODMAN: You are listening to Pacifica Radio’s Democracy Now!
broadcasting live from Seattle.
AMY GOODMAN: That was Vandana Shiva and Lori Wallach on Democracy Now!
With Juan González and I on November 29th, 1999, during our live
broadcast from the basement of Seattle’s First United Methodist Church
during the WTO protests. Well, they are joining us again today. Lori
Wallach is with us from Washington, D.C., and Vandana Shiva is joining
us from Rome, Italy. Welcome back both to Democracy Now! Lori, let’s
begin with you. You were in the streets of Seattle 20 years ago. Can
you explain why, what was happening, and then take us through to today?
LORI WALLACH: Well, the WTO had announced it was having its
ministerial in the U.S. and we knew it was critical for people around
the world to see, with protest against WTO in Africa, Latin America,
Asia, Europe, that in the U.S. also, we didn’t want this
one-size-fits-all corporate rule. And so as soon as we heard it was
Seattle, we started organizing. We opened an office in Seattle in
March of 1999. And the goal was both to stop the planned WTO expansion
and also to signal to the whole world the U.S. was in this fight with
everyone else. We needed different rules for the global economy.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And Vandana Shiva, few people in the world had even
heard of the WTO at that time, even in the activist community. Tell us
how you came to be in Seattle in November of 1999.
VANDANA SHIVA: I was in Seattle as part of the IFG, the International
Forum on Globalization, which brought together all of us who were
questioning GATT, which was the precursor of the WTO before the
Marrakesh agreement was signed. I was fighting GATT because of the
corporations who mentioned GATT first in a meeting in 1987 in Geneva
and in a resort outside Geneva. And they were talking about patenting
seeds and life. They were talking about an international treaty which
would make it a requirement for all countries to patent seeds and
would make it illegal for farmers to save seeds, and that this
free-trade agreement is what they were going to work on. And they
talked about five corporations controlling food and health by the year
2000.
That conversation of 1987 started me on the path of saving seed,
working with my government to not allow patenting of seed, working
with our ambassadors to not allow TRIPS to be designed like Monsanto
had designed it where they said we were the patient, diagnostician and
physician all in one. But because I come from India–to colonize the
country, East India Company was created. The first free-trade
agreement was not NAFTA or WTO; the first free-trade agreement was
imposed on India by the East India Company, 716 [sp]. So we were very
familiar with the use of so-called free trade for corporate rule. And
having become free after famine killed 60 million people, we didn’t
want to be re-colonized again.
And I am so happy that for that period, our former prime minister, our
former GATT ambassador, joined us as the Peoples Campaign Against WTO
and we passed laws in that window that defended the sovereign entity
of the seed, the sovereign entity of farms. But as the corporate rule
continued, the monopoly on seeds continued, we have lost 400,000
farmers to suicide because of debt. Permanently a billion people are
hungry. And when you introduce the protests going on in Chile and
Colombia and other parts of the world, I actually see the process of
today in every part of the world as a continuation of the fight
against neoliberalism, a fight against austerity, a fight against the
permanence of structural adjustment, which is what free trade is about.
It has given us the control of four giants, Poison Cartel, over our
seed and our food. It has given us the billionaires. Bill Gates is a
child of WTO. He got rules written so he wouldn’t have to pay taxes in
transporter transfer, which is why software was outsourced to India.
Jeff Bezos shipping goods around paying no taxes anymore. These
trillionaires are children of the WTO rules.
And even then, we said, “Our world is not for sale.” We said, “We are
writing other rules.” Movements have written other rules. Another
world is possible. We are making it. But the brutality and limitless
greed of the handful of corporations and billionaires is now really
reaching ecocidal and genocidal limits. So 20 years after Seattle, we
need to make a commitment that in the next 10 years, we’ve really got
to change those rules and get rid of the rule of billionaires.
AMY GOODMAN: I want to go to Michael Moore, the Oscar-winning
filmmaker—didn’t win an Oscar at the time—speaking to a reporter in
the middle of a crowd during the WTO demonstrations.
MICHAEL MOORE: The beautiful thing of this is, this really wasn’t
organized by any leader. It wasn’t organized by any group. All right?
It was organized by Monsanto. It was organized by Exxon and General
Motors and Microsoft and all the other greedy bastards who have spent
the last two decades trying to make as much money as they can at the
expense of everybody here.
CROWD: [cheers]
MICHAEL MOORE: So don’t go blaming any violence or anything on
anybody here. The violence is taking place in these companies that
have enacted their violence against these people.
AMY GOODMAN: So that’s Michael Moore back in the end of November 1999.
And Juan, you and I were in the streets. We were covering this for
Democracy Now! I make that point—and this weekend holding a big forum
at the People’s Forum called “Media in Resistance: 20 Years After
Seattle” that University of Pennsylvania, your university—Rutgers—and
Democracy Now! helped to sponsor. You talked about how, here you were,
working for this major New York newspaper, right? The New York Daily
News. But it was Democracy Now! that brought you out there.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Right. Because the paper didn’t want to pay my expenses
to go out there and they didn’t even really know what the WTO was
about. And I assured them that it was going to be a big event and that
even Bill Clinton was going, so it was worthwhile covering. But—
AMY GOODMAN: He ended up having to come in the middle of the night
because of the mass protests. And Madeleine Albright couldn’t get out
of her hotel room, the secretary of state, because of the tear gas
that was coming under her door. But if you could read your column,
since The Daily News didn’t stop calling you once you got there.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Yeah, well, once the protests paralyzed the whole city,
then they wanted to hear as much as I could write. And this was the
beginning of the column I wrote on December 1st, “A Baptism by tear
gas for America’s students.” And I wrote, “A new generation of rebels
came of age in America yesterday. Thousands of young people paralyzed
this city’s downtown and delayed the opening ceremony of the World
Trade Organization meeting in a stunning protest that harkened back to
the great civil rights marches of the 1960s.”
And in another column on December 3rd, I wrote “It did not matter to
these diehard kids that the city had been turned into an armed camp
and was firmly under the control of an army of cops, state troopers
and National Guard. They had been stunningly successful in giving a
black eye to an obscure international organization and had alerted
millions of Americans to the enormous power the WTO wields in the
world and turned it into a household name.” As I said, most people
didn’t even know about the WTO before these protests occurred.
AMY GOODMAN: Vandana Shiva, if you can explain, you came from India to
be part in Seattle of the protests, but you didn’t know really the
level of protest. You had already been laying a foundation with the
IFG, the International Forum on Globalization, giving speeches about
this. And for people to understand the WTO, the idea that a
transnational organization could be used to overturn the laws of
democratically elected legislatures? Say some city council didn’t want
to have GMOs, wanted to have them labeled; they could be called
WTO-illegal. Now you have been continuing to speak out about this
since, but what difference did that seminal moment make? Were you
surprised the WTO got shut down?
VANDANA SHIVA: I was not surprised because actually, it wasn’t just
the protest outside. It was the Third World governments inside who
were totally celebrating the ending of the bullying power of the rich
countries who were working on behalf of the Monsantos to push the
TRIPS Agreement—the Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights
agreement. The Cargills, whose vice president was deputed to negotiate
the agriculture treaty on behalf of the U.S. government. That’s what
the agriculture treaty was—a Cargill agreement. And the so-called
Sanitary and Phytosanitary Agreement was a basically Pepsi-Coke-Nestle
junk food agreement forcing bad food on everyone around the world and
criminalizing local, regional, national governments, which worked
according to their constitutions to protect their sovereign entities
and their rights.
As I mentioned, I woke up to the use of a GATT and WTO to establish
seed monopolies in 1987. In India, we immediately started to mobilize,
and the first very big rally was a 500,000-farmers rally to say
agriculture should not be part of free trade. Those protests are still
carrying on. Seattle, we planned with IFG, the teach-in, and we had
been doing teach-ins in the lead-up to Seattle. We thought about
30,000 people would turn up. Thousands turned up.
And the young people on the streets would come up to me and talk to me
about how they were there because of biopiracy. They were there to
stop privatization of water. Each of them was there to defend our
public goods. They were there to defend our commons. And everyone was
speaking the chorus “Our world is not for sale.” Our world is now on
the verge of destruction and extinction and climate catastrophe
because those who make money out of destroying the world want to continue.
So the difference really is that those who pushed and bullied us into
the WTO of the corporations now want to dismantle the WTO as a
multilateral body and they want to have bilateral bullying agreements.
The end result is the same. I think it is important for the workers of
the United States to recognize that the unions were on the street. In
Europe right now, the corporations are pitting farmers again against
the environmentalists as if banning pesticides, which are killing the
butterflies and birds, are—not the reason the farmers are in debt.
It’s not the reason that crops are failing, not the reason that the
soil is dying. It is time to stop the divide and rule that has been
created again and again by the money machine and the moneymakers. And
this divide and rule is right now taking very militaristic turns, very
fascist turns.
So our movement of 20 years ago is now a movement to defend democracy,
to defend Earth democracy. I wrote my book Earth Democracy because all
these journalists would say, “Oh, the anti-globalizers know what they
are against; they don’t know what they are for.” We said, “We know
what we are for. That’s why we are here to defend the earth, our work,
our lives, our democracy.” So I wrote Earth Democracy and I that is
even more urgently the agenda for today.
What we need to learn from 20 years ago is that when people wake up to
the situation, and when people are determined in all their diversity,
the turtles and the Teamsters can walk together to defend the rights
of the Earth, and our rights. That’s the moment we are in today. We
have to unite for a fight for the planet and a fight for the last
person, including the last displaced person who is today’s refugee.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Lori Wallach, I wanted to ask you the impact that the
protests had and how things have changed. I wanted to turn to the
cover of Foreign Policy magazine in the spring of 2000, which featured
you, Lori Wallach, with the headline “Why Is This Woman Smiling?
Because she just beat up the WTO in Seattle, that’s why_.” Of course
you didn’t beat up the WTO by yourself. There were the thousands of
people out there, and as Vandana Shiva has said, the Third World
delegates within the assembly that were also opposed to the bullying
of the West. I’m wondering if you could talk about the impact—did you
think that was going to happen in November of 1999? And how has the
world capitalist system adjusted to those kinds of protests since then?
LORI WALLACH: So what you wrote in your column was my personal
experience, which is I was awakened by the tear gas. I sound like I
did today, like I did in day five of the protests. I saw the power of
direct action protests, of brave people putting themselves in the way
of corporate power. And a whole generation, even the people who worked
to organize, who spent a year traveling around the U.S. educating
people about the WTO, doing seminars and union hall discussions,
people were really, after the first day, empowered, awakened, unified
in a way to see what certainly was the aspiration to shut down that
meeting, to see that people power had effectively overcome the world’s
most powerful corporations, and their goal of expanding the WTO’s
roles even more broadly than they already were.
And the amazing outcome of that, I think, was that we had almost an
enzymatic effect on what was going on in the negotiating suites.
Because as Vandana said, people in developing countries had been
fighting the WTO, had been hit by its effects right away, who knew
what it meant and their governments and their negotiators in Geneva at
the WTO had been pushing back. And they were fighting for no WTO
expansion, but instead to fix the existing rules. And so seeing all of
these people in the streets really had an effect on the negotiators in
the suites. The developing country negotiators were largely locked out
of the decision-making rooms. So they were in the Seattle Convention
Center looking at the protests on TV and that combination of inside
and outside maybe provided that last oomph for the negotiators from
the Caribbean and Africa and Latin America who had been fighting this
agenda for years to in Seattle block the WTO expansion.
But the bottom line of that story is after almost 15 years more of
protest, mass protests at WTO ministerial in Cancun, in Hong Kong, in
Geneva, as well as protests in many developing countries’ capitals, as
well as enormous bravery of developing country negotiators in the
Geneva negotiating center, WTO expansion was defeated. The people won.
The agenda that was the most horrific extreme version of globalization
did not come to fruition.
And we see the reverberations of that empowerment, of that experience
of winning, of having an alternative of a better world and stopping
that corporate power. That experience is reflected in people’s
movements that have had incredible victories around the world so that
even as we are living with the catastrophe of the existing WTO rules,
people power stopped that expansion that would have made things even
worse.
And now we basically have to fight, as Vandana said, to change the
existing rules. And to some degree the WTO now is in an amazing
crisis. It has never regained its legitimacy since Seattle. And on
December 11th, its ability to issue its outrageous rulings against
countries’ GMO policies and environmental policies and health policies
and development policies will be shut down. Because at that point, the
WTO’s dispute system will no longer have a quorum. There’s enough of a
protest about the systems operations.
But is the WTO paying attention to this existential threat to its own
survival? No. Its agenda is to again try and expand its rules, this
time, to constrain governments from regulating the internet giants
that are undermining our privacy and monopolizing the world. So am I
thinking the WTO is going to reform? No. It is going to take a lot
more people power, butt whomping, to actually get the rules we need.
AMY GOODMAN: I want to thank you both for being with us, Lori Wallach
of Public Citizen’s Global Trade Watch, in the streets 20 years ago in
Seattle, and Vandana Shiva, Indian scholar, environmental activist,
physicist, food sovereignty and seed freedom advocate, alternative
globalization author. You are in Rome, Italy. Usually in India. Or I
should say, you’re just a world citizen, because you’re always
traveling the globe. What award are you winning today, Vandana?
VANDANA SHIVA: It’s called the Minerva Award. Minerva is the goddess
of knowledge, and to return to the recognition that women have knowledge.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, I thank you so much for being with us, to these two
women of knowledge who have joined us, Vandana Shiva and Lori Wallach.
This is Democracy Now! When we come back, we look at the movement, the
independent media movement, that grew out of the Battle of Seattle.
Stay with us.
The original content of this program is licensed under a Creative
Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United
States License. Please attribute legal copies of this work to
democracynow.org. Some of the work(s) that this program incorporates,
however, may be separately licensed. For further information or
additional permissions, contact us.
--
Matthias Reichl, Pressesprecher/ press speaker,
Begegnungszentrum fuer aktive Gewaltlosigkeit
Center for Encounter and active Non-Violence
Wolfgangerstr. 26, 4820 Bad Ischl, Austria,
fon: +43 6132 24590, Informationen/ informations,
Impressum in: http://www.begegnungszentrum.at
Mehr Informationen über die Mailingliste E-rundbrief