[E-rundbrief] Info 185 - Durch USA gelenkte ukrainische Opposition?
Matthias Reichl
mareichl at ping.at
Mi Dez 22 16:32:07 CET 2004
E-Rundbrief - Info 185 - Ukraine - gewaltfreie Alternative oder neoliberale
Ostkolonie der USA und EU? Die Belgrader Politaktionisten-Gruppe "OTPOR"
trainierte die "Orange" Opposition in der Ukraine. Ergänzung zu Info 183.
Bad Ischl, 22.12.2004
Begegnungszentrum für aktive Gewaltlosigkeit
www.begegnungszentrum.at
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Liebe in allen Kontinenten Engagierte!
Trotz aller alarmierenden und bedrohlichen Meldungen aus allen Ecken der
Welt wünsche ich euch friedliche Weihnachten und die nötige Kraft auch im
neuen Jahr im Engagement für unsere gemeinsamen Ziele.
Mit solidarischen Grüßen
Matthias Reichl
Begegnungszentrum für aktive Gewaltlosigkeit, Bad Ischl, Österreich
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Ukraine - gewaltfreie Alternative oder neoliberale Ostkolonie der USA und EU?
Die Belgrader Politaktionisten-Gruppe "OTPOR" trainierte die "Orange"
Opposition in der Ukraine.
Siehe auch Info 183!
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Zur Sendung im ORF - 2. Fernsehprogramm, 22.12., 22.30, "Auslandsjournal":
Die Ukraine steht vor Schicksalswahlen: wird der neue Präsident nach der
Wiederholung der Stichwahl am 26.Dezember Wiktor Juschtschenko oder Wiktor
Janukowitsch heißen?
Wiktor 1 würde unter dem Banner der orangefarbenen Revolution eine nach
Westen Richtung EU und NATO orientierte Reform-Politik einleiten, Wiktor 2
das Land mit den Nationalfarben blau-weiß an Putins Russland gebunden
halten. Janukowitsch wirft dem mit Dioxin vergifteten Juschtschenko vor,
vom Westen finanziert zu sein und das Land an westliche Kapitalisten
ausverkaufen zu wollen. In der Tat haben die USA ihre Ausgaben für die
Demokratieförderung in der Ukraine im letzten Jahr auf 55 Millionen Dollar
erhöht. Immer wieder werden Parallelen zum Sturz von Milosevic in Serbien
und zur Rosenrevolution in Georgien gezogen. In der Ukraine herrschen
Spannung, Angst vor gewaltsamen Provokationen und die Sorge, ein
demokratischer Wahlausgang könnte vom Verlierer nicht akzeptiert werden.
Eine Reportage von Lorenz Gallmetzer.
(Aus ORF-Programmvorschau)
-----------------------------------------------------------
In einem Beitrag im heutigen Morgenjournal wurde in diesem Zusammenhang
auch die strategische Unterstützung der ukrainischen "Orange-Opposition"
durch das in Belgrad beheimatete kleine Aktivistenteam "OTPOR (Widerstand)"
erwähnt. Einige von ihnen waren in den vergangenen Monaten in der Ukraine
(und auch in Weißrussland) unterwegs um oppositionelle Leute strategisch zu
schulen (und wurden z.T. mit Einreiseverbot belegt). OTPORS Rolle in
Jugoslawien und Georgien ist bekannt. Weniger ihre - politischen und
finanziellen - Hintermänner im Westen (nicht nur in den USA). Darüber wurde
schon einiges in den Medien publiziert (ein Beispiel siehe unten). Die
EU-phorie und NATO-Anhängerschaft der "neuen Demokraten" verdecken die
begleitenden Probleme. Ukranische Altlasten (AKW Tschernobyl,
Politbürokratie...) werden sich mit den neuen neoliberalen Gefahren
unheilvoll verbinden.
Tatsache ist, dass OTPOR kaum was mit politisch und ethisch fundierten
zivilgesellschaftlichen, gewaltfreien Bewegungen zu tun hat, sondern auf
Politaktionismus (mit Medienunterstützung) setzt. Offenbar kümmert es sie
wenig, dass nach dem Regimewechsel Kräfte in das politische Vakuum
nachstoßen, die bedenkliche bis gefährliche politische und v.a.
ökonomische/ neoliberale Ziele verfolgen. Dass ein Großteil der getäuschten
und enttäuschten Bevölkerung die sozialen Folgen dieses "neoliberalen
Roulettes" ausbaden müssen und sich deswegen wieder in eine Politnostalgie
- zwischen zwei Übeln - oder in Politabstinenz flüchten, ist bittere
Realität (nicht nur in den ex-kommunistischen Ländern). Der kräfteraubende
Überlebenskampf lässt immer weniger Energien für politisches Engagement übrig.
Einer meiner Prager Freunde von 1989 kommentierte dies mit Bitterkeit:
"Während wir uns sorgfältig und bedächtig vor allem auf lokal/ regionaler
Ebene für Menschenrechte und Versöhnung, für Basisdemokratie, soziale
Netze, Reform der Verwaltung, freie Medien und Bildungsinitiativen,
Minderheiten- und Umweltschutz, dezentrale Wirtschaftsprojekte usw.
engagierten, wurden wir vom Vormarsch der Eroberer überrollt. Sie
mißbrauchten Konsumgier und Nachholbedarf - aber auch das entstandene
ideologische Vakuum - der Durchschnittsbürger. Diese Chance nützten
geschickt Rechtsextremisten mit ähnlichen politischen und religiösen
Sekten, aber auch esoterische Heilspropheten für 'Bekehrungsfeldzüge' aus.
Nicht nur wir sondern auch viele unserer seriösen Partner in Politik und
Wirtschaft wurden zunehmend von ihnen und von 'Experten' und Lobbyisten an
die Wand gedrängt."
"Unser Modell eines 'Dritten Weges' zur Überwindung der staatlichen
Planwirtschaft hat keine Chance, wenn nicht auch ihr im Westen gleichzeitig
ebenso radikal Politik und Wirtschaft durch eine Abkehr vom 'real
existierenden' Kapitalismus verändert!" An diese Aussagen eines
tschechischen Regimekritikers in den späten 80er Jahren erinnerte ich mich
als ich ihn Mitte 1990 in Prag erneut traf. Beide waren wir betroffen von
der massiven Medienkampagne "TINA" aus dem Westen: "There is no
Alternative!" - "Der "Dritte Weg" ist ein unverantwortbares Experiment! Nur
eine kapitalistische Marktwirtschaft - ohne 'öko-soziale' Beschränkungen -
garantiert uns, daß unser Lebensstandard bald jenem des Westens entspricht".
Matthias Reichl
22.12.04
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In Ukraine, a Franchised Revolution
K. Gajendra Singh
L.
Asia Times Online (English-language)
Hong Kong
November 26, 2004
(Auszug)
"A huge geopolitical battle is being fought in Ukraine."
Nouvel Observateur, Paris.
....
Another franchised revolution
The high percentage of votes in Donetsk (96%), the home town of Yanukovich,
provided proof that electoral fraud had taken place, according to Western
media. But turnouts of over 80% in areas, which supported Yushchenko, were
not. Yanukovich's final official score was over 49%, but when
Western-supported Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili officially polled
96.24% in January, no one questioned it. The observers who now denounce the
Ukrainian elections applauded Georgia's results, saying that it "brought
the country closer to meeting international standards."
One of the most active "pro-democracy" groups in Ukraine's democratic
opposition is Pora, which means, "It's time." The student activists of Pora
received personal tutorials in non-violent resistance from Serbian students
of the Otpor ("resistance") group, which was in the forefront of toppling
Milosevich in Belgrade. Then the Serbs helped the Georgian vanguard
movement Kmara ("enough is enough"). So a Georgian flag was also being
waved in Kiev's Independence Square. In Tbilisi, the rose-revolutionary
Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili interrupted his first anniversary
address to offer a few words of encouragement in Ukrainian to his "sisters
and brothers" in Kiev. The reawakened cold warriors link the "chain of
Europe's velvet revolutions" in this peaceful march of democracy to what
the crowds first chanted on Wenceslas Square in Prague in November 1989. So
a jaded pro-democracy Lech Walesa was there too in Kiev, just as he had
been in Prague.
Pora's posters plastered all over Ukraine depict a jackboot crushing a
beetle; an allegory of what Pora wants to do to its opponents. It was like
this during Nazi-occupied Ukraine, when pre-emptive war was waged against
the Red Plague spreading out from Moscow. Nobody in the West has said
anything against these posters. Pora continues to be presented as an
innocent band of students having fun. But it is an organization created and
financed by Washington, as were sister organizations in Serbia and Georgia,
Otpor and Kmara.
Says a Western Cold War warrior: "If we, comfortably ensconced in the
institutionalized Europe to which these peaceful demonstrators look with
hope and yearning, do not immediately support them with every appropriate
means at our disposal, we will betray the very ideals we claim to
represent." He adds, "At the same time, until now, democracy has been
creeping backwards. Control of the biggest industries, of the media, of
state revenue and of the security services has fallen into the hands of a
corrupt and sometimes murderous elite of cynical, self-loving opportunists
who feed off the enterprise and hard work of others as they float between
the worlds of business, politics and bureaucracy."
This might more appropriately apply to new Western-supported rulers in
former communist countries and even some countries in the West. The United
Kingdom and the US often forget the enormous dysfunction in their own
so-called democratic system, where their governments lied brazenly about
Iraq for over a year in the run-up to war and with impunity, while they
criticize others and support continued brazen Western intervention in the
democratic politics of other countries.
A US franchise
A lot of planning, work and money has gone into efforts to design a US
model for promoting democracy around the world. The model's first success
was notched in Serbia. Funded and organized by the US government, which
deployed US consultancies, pollsters, diplomats, the two big American
parties and US non-government organizations (NGOs), the campaign defeated
Slobodan Milosevich at the ballot box in Belgrade in 2000.
Richard Miles, the US ambassador in Belgrade, played a key role in the
campaign to oust Milosevich. In November last year, as US ambassador in
Tbilisi, Miles reapplied the same method successfully. Thanks to his
coaching, US-educated Saakashvili brought down Eduard Shevardnadze. When
the US ambassador in Belarus, Michael Kozak, a veteran of similar
operations in Central America, notably in Nicaragua, organized a near
identical campaign to try to defeat the Belarus strongman, Alexander
Lukashenko, he failed. "There will be no Kostunica in Belarus," the Belarus
president declared, referring to the United States' Belgrade success 10
months earlier.
But experience gained in Serbia, Georgia and Belarus has been invaluable to
the US in planning the operation in Kiev. It is thus easy to understand
such slickly organized spontaneity. The operation engineering democracy
through the ballot box and civil disobedience, which would be the envy of
even a Gandhian is now so smooth that methods have matured into a
template for winning other people's elections. Located in the center of
Belgrade, the Center for Non-violent Resistance, staffed by
computer-literate youngsters, is ready for hire and will carry out
operations to beat even a regime that controls the mass media, the judges,
the courts, the security apparatus and the voting stations.
The Belgrade group had on-the-job training in the anti-Milosevich student
movement, Otpor. Catchy, single-word branding is important. In Georgia last
year, the parallel student movement was Khmara. In Belarus, it was Zubr. In
Ukraine, it is Pora. Otpor also had a potent, simple slogan that appeared
everywhere in Serbia in 2000 the two words gotov je, meaning "he's
finished," a reference to Milosevich. A logo of a black-and-white clenched
fist completed the masterful marketing. In Ukraine, the equivalent is a
ticking clock, also signaling that the Kuchma regime's days are numbered.
Stickers, spray paint and websites are the young activists' weapons. Irony
and street comedy mocking the regime have been hugely successful in
puncturing public fear and enraging the powerful. If only the Tiananmen
Square activists could have had this kind of support in 1989.
Saakashvili had traveled from Tbilisi to Belgrade to be tutored in the art
of mass defiance. In Belarus, the US Embassy organized the dispatch of
young opposition leaders to the Baltic, where they had sessions with the
Serb teachers flown from Belgrade. The Americans had organized the
overthrow of Milosevich from neighboring Hungary, as Belgrade was a hostile
territory.
Promotion of democracy around the world is a bipartisan US effort; the
Democratic Party's National Democratic Institute (NDI), the Republican
Party's International Republican Institute, the US State Department and
USAID (US Agency for International Development) are the main agencies. They
are all involved in these campaigns and are further helped by the Freedom
House NGO and billionaire George Soros' Open Society Institute. US
pollsters and professional consultants are hired to organize focus groups
and use psephological data to plot strategies.
In Serbia, when US pollsters Penn, Schoen and Berland Associates found that
the assassinated pro-Western opposition leader, Zoran Djindjic, was hated
at home and had little chance of beating Milosevich in an election, an
anti-Western Vojislav Kostunica was promoted. Djindjic came up later and
handed over Milosevich to the Hague Tribunal. Of course, the US is
determinedly opposed to the International Criminal Court and would deny aid
to those countries who do not sign a bilateral accord providing immunity to
the US.
It is claimed that officially the US government spent US$41 million to fund
the year-long operation to get rid of Milosevich from October 1999. In
Ukraine, the figure is said to be about $14 million so far.
While there are reputed outside election monitors from groups such as the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the Ukrainian
elections and elsewhere involved thousands of local election monitors
trained and paid by Western groups. Reportedly, Freedom House and the NDI
helped fund and organize the "largest civil regional election monitoring
effort" in Ukraine, involving more than 1,000 trained observers. They also
organized exit polls. On Sunday night those polls gave Yushchenko an
11-point lead and set the agenda for much of what has followed.
The exit polls are important because they help seize the initiative in the
propaganda war with the regime, invariably appearing first, receiving wide
media coverage and putting the onus on the attacked regime to respond. And
how to react when the incumbent regime tries to steal a lost election. The
advice was to stay calm and cool but organize mass displays of civil
disobedience, which must remain peaceful but could invite violent suppression.
The US has now adapted and perfected the latest communication techniques to
apply to post-Soviet states to bring about desirable changes. "Instruments
of democracy" are used to topple unpopular dictators or unfriendly regimes,
once a successor candidate friendly to the West has been groomed. The
Central Intelligence Agency-sponsored Third World uprisings of the Cold War
days to remove prime minister Mohammed Mossadaq of Iran, who had
nationalized its oil resources, and of Salvador Allende of Chile, which
brought US favorite General Augusto Pinochet to power, a man whose crimes
are still being catalogued and looked into, are now passe.
That is the promotion of democracy, US style. Who is next in line?
K. Gajendra Singh served as Indian ambassador to Turkey and Azerbaijan from
1992-96. Prior to that, he served as ambassador to Jordan (during the
1990-91 Gulf War), Romania and Senegal. He is currently chairman of the
Foundation for Indo-Turkic Studies and editorial adviser with global
geopolitics website Eurasia Research Center, USA.
Copyright © 1997-2004 Worldpress.org. All
Auszug aus:
http://www.worldpress.org/Europe/1987.cfm
---------------------------------------------------------
From Diana Johnstone, Fool's Crusade, p 257:
The U.S. NED provided millions of dollars and training in "methods of
nonviolent action" to a network of young activists calling itself Otpor
(resistance) with no political program other than the desire to "be normal"
on Western terms. Otpor youth plastered walls with posters of clenched
fists and tried to get arrested in order to denounce the "regime" as
repressive.
In the first round held on 24 September 2000, Milosevic failed to gain
re-election. Official results gave Kostunica over 48 per cent of the vote
in a five-man race. This fell slightly short of the 50 per cent required to
win, but indicated an almost certain landslide in the runoff against
Milosevic, who trailed by some ten percentage points. (Yugoslav electoral
law calls for a second round if no candidate wins an absolute majority in
the first round.) Not satisfied with this prospect of a certain victory at
the ballot box, DOS (democratic opposition of Serbia) claimed a first round
victory and announced it would boycott the second round. This heightened
tension and provided an opportunity for the Otpor agitators to take matters
into their own hands. The DOS thereby moved the contest from the ballot box
onto the streets. The result was the spectacle of the 5 October "democratic
revolution", when a large crowd stormed the Skupstina, the parliament
building in the center of Belgrade. Presented to the world public in the as
a spontaneous act of self-liberation, the event was staged for television
cameras, which filmed and relayed the same scenes over and over again:
youths breaking through windows, flags waving, flames rising, smoke
enveloping the parliament building, described as "the symbol of the
Milosevic regime".
(Diana Johnstone ist Jopurnalistin und seit vielen Jahren aktiv in ethisch
und politisch fundierten gewaltfreien Bewegungen.)
References about Otpor
PBS series, Bringing Down a Dictator
(http://www.pbs.org/weta/dictator/otpor/origins.html), PBS, 2002. NB: this
documentary portrays Optor in a positive light no references to its
origin or possible CIA relationship.
Roger Cohen, "Who Really Brought Down Milosevic?", New York Times Sunday
Magazine, Nov. 26, 2000.
Diana Johnstone, Fool's Crusade: Yugoslavia, NATO and Western Delusions, p
257.
Stephen Mulvey, Behind the scenes at Kiev's rally
(http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/4050187.stm), BBC Online, Nov. 28,
2004. States: "Natalia is the deputy leader for the Kiev region of a
student protest group called Pora, modelled on the Serbian group Otpor,
which played a key role in the ousting of Slobodan Milosevic. In spring she
attended lectures in Kiev by Otpor leader Alexander Maric".
Brian Požun, Planning for an Uncertain Future
(http://www.ce-review.org/01/8/pozun8.html), CE Review, Feb. 26, 2001.
References to Otpor post-Milosevic. (CE Review has been renamed TOL).
Daan van der Schriek, Georgia: How good the revolution has been!
(http://worldpress.org/article_model.cfm?article_id=1805&dont=yes), World
Press Review, Dec. 7, 2003
Funding Sources
National Endowment for Democracy
Open Society Institute
Aus: http://www.disinfopedia.org/wiki.phtml?title=Otpor
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Matthias Reichl
Begegnungszentrum für aktive Gewaltlosigkeit
Wolfgangerstr.26
A-4820 Bad Ischl
Tel. +43-6132-24590
e-mail: mareichl at ping.at
http://www.begegnungszentrum.at
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