[E-rundbrief] Info 77 - USA - Israeli Warfare Strategy in Iraq
Matthias Reichl
mareichl at ping.at
So Jan 11 21:03:52 CET 2004
E-Rundbrief - Info 77 - USA transfers Israeli Urban Warfare Strategy to Iraq
Bad Ischl, 11.1.2004
Begegnungszentrum für aktive Gewaltlosigkeit
www.begegnungszentrum.at
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"U.S. tactics now look like Israel's."
The practice of destroying buildings where Iraqi insurgents are suspected
of planning or mounting attacks has been used for decades by Israeli
soldiers in Gaza and the West Bank. The Israeli Army has also imprisoned
the relatives of suspected terrorists, in the hopes of pressing the
suspects to surrender.
Here's a classic quote: "With a heavy dose of fear and violence, and a lot
of money for projects, I think we can convince these people that we are
here to help them."
American officials say they are not purposefully mimicking Israeli tactics,
but they acknowledge that they have studied closely the Israeli experience
in urban fighting. Ahead of the war, Israeli defense experts briefed
American commanders on their experience in guerrilla and urban warfare. The
Americans say there are no Israeli military advisers helping the Americans
in Iraq.
Writing in the July issue of Army magazine, an American brigadier general
said American officers had recently traveled to Israel to hear about
lessons learned from recent fighting there.
Collective punishment is the practice of punishing entire families,
communities or groups for the act of an individual. It is illegal under
Article 33 of the 1949 Geneva Conventions, which states, "No protected
person may be punished for an offense he or she has not personally committed."
(Zitate aus den untenstehenden Berichten aus den USA.)
=================================================
From: Val Dunmow
Sent: Wednesday, December 31, 2003 1:23 PM
Susan Ives: Collective punishment sends the wrong message
Web Posted : 12/20/2003 12:00 AM
A front-page headline in the paper Dec. 7 stunned me.
"U.S. tactics now look like Israel's." I read the story. I read it again. I
still don't quite believe my eyes.
According to the article, originally published in the New York Times, U.S.
soldiers have begun "wrapping entire villages in barbed wire."
"They've begun imprisoning the relatives of guerilla suspects in hopes of
pressuring the insurgents to turn themselves in."
They are "demolishing buildings thought to be used by Iraqi attackers."
These tactics, known as collective punishment, are morally repugnant and
illegal - in short, war crimes. We should be ashamed.
Collective punishment is the practice of punishing entire families,
communities or groups for the act of an individual. It is illegal under
Article 33 of the 1949 Geneva Conventions, which states, "No protected
person may be punished for an offense he or she has not personally committed."
Here's another example, published in October in Britain's Guardian newspaper.
"U.S. soldiers driving bulldozers, with jazz blaring from loudspeakers,
have uprooted ancient groves of date palms as well as orange and lemon
trees in central Iraq as part of a new policy of collective punishment of
farmers who do not give information about guerrillas attacking U.S. troops.
"Farmers said that U.S. troops had told them, over a loudspeaker in Arabic,
that the fruit groves were being bulldozed to punish the farmers for not
informing on the resistance, which is very active in this Sunni Muslim
district."
Do you remember two years ago when seven convicts - two killers, two
rapists, a child abuser, an armed robber and a burglar - escaped from a
prison in Kenedy with a cache of weapons?
During their seven weeks on the lam, while robbing a sporting goods store,
they killed a policeman. We really wanted to catch those guys.
So did we throw their grannies in jail, holding them hostage until the
killers surrendered? Did we bulldoze their families' homes because their
wives might suspect where they are and wouldn't squeal? Of course not. That
would have violated every word of our Constitution.
So why are we doing it in Iraq? What message are we sending to the
fledgling Iraqi government about the rule of law?
The wrong message. They know these tactics. They were the ones Saddam
Hussein practiced 15 years ago when he gassed the village of Halabja,
killing 5,000 as collective punishment for Kurdish opposition to his regime.
It is a slippery moral slope, just a short slide, from razing date groves
to gassing villages.
The drafters of the Geneva Conventions were remembering reprisals against
the resistance in World Wars I and II when they incorporated the ban on
collective punishment.
According to the book "Crimes of War," the Red Cross commentary to the
conventions states that parties to a conflict often would resort to
"intimidatory measures to terrorize the population" in hope of preventing
hostile acts, but such practices "strike at guilty and innocent alike. They
are opposed to all principles based on humanity and justice.
---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Sun, 07 Dec 2003 17:29:20 -0500 (EST)
From: KEBOI at aol.com
Subject: [Nion-hawaii] USA uses Israeli Urban Warfare Tactics in Iraq
Here's a classic quote: "With a heavy dose of fear and violence, and a lot
of money for projects, I think we can convince these people that we are
here to help them,"
From NYTimes:
http://www.nytimes.com/2003/12/07/international/middleeast/07TACT.html?ex=1071
378000&en=b9c5e965e018edf1&ei=5062&partner=GOOGLE ===
December 7, 2003
Tough New Tactics by U.S. Tighten Grip on Iraq Towns
By DEXTER FILKINS
BU HISHMA, Iraq, Dec. 6 . As the guerrilla war against Iraqi insurgents
intensifies, American soldiers have begun wrapping entire villages in
barbed wire.
In selective cases, American soldiers are demolishing buildings thought to
be used by Iraqi attackers. They have begun imprisoning the relatives of
suspected guerrillas, in hopes of pressing the insurgents to turn
themselves in.
The Americans embarked on their get-tough strategy in early November,
goaded by what proved to be the deadliest month yet for American forces in
Iraq, with 81 soldiers killed by hostile fire. The response they chose is
beginning to e cho the Israeli counterinsurgency campaign in the occupied
territories.
So far, the new approach appears to be succeeding in diminishing the threat
to American soldiers. But it appears to be coming at the cost of alienating
many of the people the Americans are trying to win over. Abu Hishma is
quiet now, but it is angry, too.
In Abu Hishma, encased in a razor-wire fence after repeated attacks on
American troops, Iraqi civilians line up to go in and out, filing through
an American-guarded checkpoint, each carrying an identification card
printed in English only.
"If you have one of these cards, you can come and go," coaxed Lt. Col.
Nathan Sassaman, the battalion commander whose men oversee the village,
about 50 miles north of Baghdad. "If you don't have one of these cards, you
can't."
The Iraqis nodded and edged their cars through the line. Over to one side,
an Iraqi man named Tariq muttered in anger.
"I see no difference between us and the Palestinians," he said. "We didn't
expect anything like this after Saddam fell."
The practice of destroying buildings where Iraqi insurgents are suspected
of planning or mounting attacks has been used for decades by Israeli
soldiers in Gaza and the West Bank. The Israeli Army has also imprisoned
the relatives of suspected terrorists, in the hopes of pressing the
suspects to surrender.
The Israeli military has also cordoned off villages and towns thought to be
hotbeds of guerrilla activity, in an effort to control the flow of people
moving in and out.
American officials say they are not purposefully mimicking Israeli tactics,
but they acknowledge that they have studied closely the Israeli experience
in urban fighting. Ahead of the war, Israeli defense experts briefed
American commanders on their experience in guerrilla and urban warfare. The
Americans say there are no Israeli military advisers helping the Americans
in Iraq.
Writing in the July issue of Army magazine, an American brigadier general
said American officers had recently traveled to Israel to hear about
lessons learned from recent fighting there.
"Experience continues to teach us many lessons, and we continue to evaluate
and address those lessons, embedding and incorporating them appropriately
into our concepts, doctrine and training," Brig. Gen. Michael A. Vane
wrote. "For example, we recently traveled to Israel to glean lessons
learned from their counterterrorist operations in urban areas." General
Vane is deputy chief of staff for doctrine concepts and strategy, at the
United States Army Training and Doctrine Command.
American officers here say their new hard-nosed approach reflects a more
realistic appreciation of the military and political realities faced by
soldiers in the so-called Sunni triangle, the area north and west of
Baghdad that is generating the most violence against the Americans.
Underlying the new strategy, the Americans say, is the conviction that only
a tougher approach will quell the insurgency and that the new strategy must
punish not only the guerrillas but also make clear to ordinary Iraqis the
cost of not cooperating.
"You have to understand the Arab mind," Capt. Todd Brown, a company
commander with the Fourth Infantry Division, said as he stood outside the
gates of Abu Hishma. "The only thing they understand is force . force,
pride and saving face."
Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, the top military commander in Iraq, announced the
get-tough strategy in early November. After the announcement, some American
officers warned that the scenes that would follow would not be pretty.
Speaking today in Baghdad, General Sanchez said attacks on allied forces or
gunfights with adversaries across Iraq had dropped to under 20 a day from
40 a day two weeks ago.
"We've considerably pushed back the numbers of engagements against
coalition forces," he said. "We've been hitting back pretty hard. We've
forced them to slow down the pace of their operations."
In that way, the new American approach seems to share the successes of the
Israeli military, at least in the short term; Israeli officers contend that
their strategy regularly stops catastrophes like suicide bombings from
taking place.
"If you do nothing, they will just get stronger," said Martin van Creveld,
professor of military history and strategy at Hebrew University in
Jerusalem. He briefed American marines on Israeli tactics in urban warfare
in September.
The problems in Abu Hishma, a town of 7,000, began in October, when the
American military across the Sunni triangle decided to ease off on their
military operations to coincide with the onset of the Islamic holy month of
Ramadan.
In Abu Hishma, as in other towns, the backing off by the Americans was not
reciprocated by the insurgents. American troops regularly came under mortar
fire, often traced to the surrounding orchards.
Meanwhile, the number of bombs planted on nearby roads rose sharply. Army
convoys regularly took fire from a house a few miles away from the village.
The last straw for the Americans came on Nov. 17, when a group of
guerrillas fired a rocket-propelled grenade into the front of a Bradley
armored personnel carrier. The grenade, with an armored piercing tip,
punched through the Bradley's shell and killed Staff Sgt. Dale Panchot, one
of its crewmen.
The grenade went straight into the sergeant's chest. With the Bradley still
smoldering, the soldiers of the First Battalion, Eighth Infantry, part of
the Fourth Infantry Division, surrounded Abu Hishma and searched for the
guerrillas. Soldiers began encasing the town in razor wire.
The next day, an American jet dropped a 500-bomb on the house that had been
used to attack them. The Americans arrested eight sheiks, the mayor, the
police chief and most members of the city council. "We really hammered the
place," Maj. Darron Wright said.
Two and a half weeks later, the town of Abu Hishma is enclosed in a
barbed-wire fence that stretches for five miles. Men ages 18 to 65 have
been ordered to get identification cards. There is only way into the town
and one way out.
"This fence is here for your protection," reads the sign posted in front of
the barbed-wire fence. "Do not approach or try to cross, or you will be shot."
American forces have used the tactic in other cities, including Awja, the
birthplace of Saddam Hussein. American forces also sealed off three towns
in western Iraq for several days.
"With a heavy dose of fear and violence, and a lot of money for projects, I
think we can convince these people that we are here to help them," Colonel
Sassaman said.
The bombing of the house, about a mile outside the barbed wire, is another
tactic that echoes those of the Israeli Army. In Iraq, the Americans have
bulldozed, bombed or otherwise rendered useless a number of buildings which
they determined were harboring guerrillas.
In Tikrit, residents pointed out a home they said had been bulldozed by
American tanks. The occupants had already left, they said.
"I watched the Americans flatten that house," said Abdullah al-Ajili, who
lives down the road.
American officers acknowledge that they have destroyed buildings around
Tikrit. In a recent news conference, General Sanchez explained the strategy
but ignored a question about parallels to the Israeli experience.
"Well, I guess what we need to do is go back to the laws of war and the
Geneva Convention and all of those issues that define when a structure
ceases to be what it is claimed to be and becomes a military target,"
General Sanchez said. "We've got to remember that we're in a low-intensity
conflict where the laws of war still apply."
In Abu Hishma, residents complain that the village is locked down for 15
hours a day, meaning that they are unable to go to the mosque for morning
and evening prayers. They say the curfew does not allow them time to stand
in the daylong lines for gasoline and get home before the gate closes for
the night.
But mostly, it is a loss of dignity that the villagers talk about. For each
identification card, every Iraqi man is assigned a number, which he must
hold up when he poses for his mug shot. The card identifies his age and
type of car. It is all in English.
"This is absolutely humiliating," said Yasin Mustafa, a 39-year-old primary
school teacher. "We are like birds in a cage."
Colonel Sassaman said he would maintain the wire enclosure until the
villagers turned over the six men who killed Sergeant Panchot, though he
acknowledged they may have slipped far away.
Colonel Sassaman is feared by many of Abu Hishma's villagers, who hold him
responsible for the searches and razor wire around the town. But some said
they understood what a difficult job he had, trying to pick out a few bad
men from a village of 7,000 people.
"Colonel Sassaman, you should come and live in this village and be a
sheik," Hassan Ali al-Tai told the colonel outside the checkpoint.
The colonel smiled, and Mr. Tai turned to another visitor.
"Colonel Sassaman is a very good man," he said. "If he got rid of the
barbed wire and the checkpoint, everyone would love him."
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Matthias Reichl
Begegnungszentrum für aktive Gewaltlosigkeit
Wolfgangerstr.26
A-4820 Bad Ischl
Tel. +43-6132-24590
e-mail: mareichl at ping.at
http://www.begegnungszentrum.at
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